The recently opened Waigani National Court Complex stands as a landmark achievement for Papua New Guinea’s judiciary — a vision first conceived by former Chief Justice Sir Salamo Injia and made possible through the early support and funding of the former Peter O’Neill government.
Arial view of the new Waigani Court Complex. Image: Supplied
Current Chief Justice Sir Gibbs Salika acknowledged Sir Salamo and Mr O’Neill during the official opening of the state-of-the-art court facility on September 10.
Sir Salamo, who served as Chief Justice from 2011 to 2018, had long championed reforms to strengthen the independence and efficiency of the courts.
Central to his vision was the creation of a three-tier judicial system, with a modern purpose-built complex in Waigani to house the National, Supreme and Appeals Courts.
He had said that a facility of such scale would not only provide functional space for judges, registries and court staff but also anchor judicial autonomy by giving the courts control over their own infrastructure planning and execution.
The initial ground breaking ceremony for the Waigani Court Complex officiated by Sir Salamo officiating back in February, 2015. Image: File photo
That dream took shape in 2016 when then Prime Minister Peter O’Neill’s government formally approved the project and provided its initial funding. The ambitious undertaking was budgeted at K450 million at the time, though costs later rose to nearly K700 million.
Despite delays and shifting timelines, successive government under Prime Minister James Marape, continued to prioritise the project, recognising its importance to law, order and governance.
The complex boasts 15 courtrooms including a state-of-the-art Banco Court, 31 judges’ chambers, a modern registry, research and reporting facilities, and an ICT data centre designed to bring the judiciary into the digital age.
From Injia’s bold idea to O’Neill’s funding approval and the final completion under Prime Minister James Marape ‘s government and Sir Gibbs Salika’s administration, the Waigani Court Complex stands as a symbol of continuity in nation-building and the enduring value of investing in justice.
COURT-ousted Lagaip MP Amos Joseph Akem has been granted leave by the Supreme Court to review a National Court decision that nullified his election victory in the 2023 supplementary election for the Lagaip Open seat.
Amos Joseph Akem
The Waigani Supreme Court handed down the ruling this afternoon, paving the way for Akem to challenge the decision that stripped him of his mandate. The National Court had earlier declared his election win invalid following a petition that raised questions over the conduct of the polls.
With today’s ruling, Akem and his legal team are expected to move swiftly to file a Stay application in the coming weeks. If granted, the Stay would temporarily suspend the National Court’s orders pending the outcome of the substantive review.
PORT MORESBY – Global R&B superstar Akon has touched down in Papua New Guinea ahead of his much-anticipated performance tonight at the Sir John Guise Stadium, marking a historic highlight in the country’s 50th Independence anniversary celebrations.
Akon arrives at the Jacksons airport in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea. PICTURE SUPPLIED
The multi-award-winning artist, known worldwide for hits like Smack That and Lonely, arrived to a warm reception in Port Moresby on Monday, September 15, 2025. Fans gathered at Jacksons International Airport, some waving PNG flags and others singing his songs, as excitement builds for what promises to be one of the biggest concerts ever staged in the nation.
Akon’s visit is part of the golden jubilee program celebrating half a century since Papua New Guinea gained independence on September 16, 1975. The government has organized a month-long lineup of cultural events, parades, and performances, but the singer’s concert is expected to be the centerpiece of festivities, drawing thousands to the capital.
Speaking to local media shortly after arrival, Akon expressed his honour at joining the milestone celebration. “This is a special moment for Papua New Guinea, and I’m excited to be here to share my music with the people. Tonight will be about unity, love, and celebrating this beautiful country’s journey over 50 years,” he said.
Security has been heightened around the Sir John Guise Stadium, where organizers expect a capacity crowd. Gates will open in the late afternoon, with local artists scheduled to perform before Akon takes the stage later in the evening.
For many, the event symbolizes not only a world-class concert but also PNG’s growing place on the global stage. As one fan put it: “We’ve been waiting for this moment. To have someone like Akon here for our 50th Independence makes us proud.”
The chamber of Papua New Guinea’s National Parliament will never be the same again.
For years, the booming, uncompromising voice of Luther Akisawa Wenge rang out during Question Time, challenging governments, defending the Constitution, and demanding better for his beloved Morobe. Now, with his passing, that voice has fallen silent, leaving a void that will echo through every sitting of the House.
Late Morone Governor, Luther Wenge
Born on 12 December 1959, Wenge was more than a politician. He was a lawyer, magistrate, reformer, and a tireless advocate for education and good governance. In Parliament, he was rarely quiet — often one of the most vocal figures during debates, unafraid to confront prime ministers and ministers alike. His presence in the chamber was unmistakable: passionate, unrelenting, and always rooted in the conviction that leadership must serve the people.
Wenge’s political journey began in 1997, when he was first elected Governor of Morobe. Over three terms, he became known not only as a regional leader but also as the founder of the People’s First Party, through which he challenged laws he considered unconstitutional. He won landmark Supreme Court cases, striking down legislation that burdened ordinary Papua New Guineans.
Education was his heartbeat. The Gerson-Solulu Scholarship Scheme, along with the expansion of schools and institutions across Morobe, became pillars of his legacy. Thousands of students owe their opportunities to his vision that “education is the bridge to freedom.”
After losing his seat in 2012, Wenge spent a decade out of Parliament. Yet in 2022, he staged a remarkable comeback, reclaiming the governorship and joining Prime Minister James Marape’s Pangu Pati. He quickly became an influential voice in national reforms, chairing a bipartisan committee to review provincial government systems.
Wenge’s passing comes at a poignant moment — just as Papua New Guinea marked 50 years of independence. As the country celebrated its golden jubilee, reflecting on the struggles and triumphs of nationhood, it also lost one of the voices that had defined its politics for more than two decades.
The irony is not lost on many: that a man who spent his life shaping the debates of Parliament, often clashing with governments to uphold constitutional order, should depart at such a historic milestone. His absence is being felt not only in Morobe but across a nation he so fiercely defended.
In Parliament, Question Time will never sound the same again. The familiar interruptions, the sharp points of order, the booming challenges from the Morobe benches — all are gone. The House that once braced itself for Luther Wenge’s thunderous interventions must now sit without them.
“His was a voice that made governments uncomfortable, but it was also a voice that made Papua New Guinea stronger,” said a fellow MP. “Parliament will be poorer without him.”
As the country celebrates its 50th year, it also bows its head to mourn a son who gave his life to public service. For Morobe, for Parliament, and for Papua New Guinea, the silence left by Luther Wenge will speak louder than words.
The nation stands stunned after Charlie Kirk, founder of Turning Point USA and a prominent figure among Christian conservatives, was fatally shot Wednesday during a speaking event at Utah Valley University. Authorities are calling it a political assassination.
Late Charlie Kirk
Kirk, 31, was delivering remarks as part of his “American Comeback Tour” when a single bullet struck him in the neck. The perpetrator fired from a rooftop and fled the scene. The community, including thousands in attendance, witnessed the horror unfold.
For his followers and Christian faith community, the loss cuts deep. Kirk’s faith wasn’t just a personal anchor — it was central to the public identity he crafted. He spoke often of defending religious values, speaking truth in the public square, and urging young believers not to shrink back.
But beyond the ideological echo, there is tragedy in the personal. His wife, Erika Frantzve, and their two young children — barely toddlers — must now move forward without their father’s laughter, guidance, or protection. Friends say the home once full of love and conviction for a cause he believed in will now be silenced by grief.
Nationwide, reactions of agony, outrage, and calls for justice have erupted. Christian voices are especially shaken, many seeing in this violent act an attack not just on a man, but on their shared values of faith, freedom, and expression.
The manhunt continues. As investigators assemble evidence — surveillance images, witnesses, trajectory analyses — the question remains: who would silence Kirk, and why? For now, his followers mourn; his family endures the unthinkable; and America is left to grapple with yet another flashpoint in a nation deeply fractured by political and spiritual identity
Former Prime Minister Peter O’Neill has launched a blistering attack on the government’s decision to switch its banking arrangements from Bank South Pacific (BSP) to the newly formed National Banking Corporation (NBC), describing it as “economic treason” that has wiped billions from Papua New Guinean investors overnight.
Peter O’Neill – Member of Parliament for Ialibu-Pangia District and former Prime Minister
In a strongly worded statement, O’Neill said the move has devastated ordinary Papua New Guineans, superannuation funds, and landowner companies that collectively own the majority of shares in BSP, a bank that has served the country for nearly 70 years.
“Papua New Guineans are the biggest losers in this Marape-made madness,” O’Neill declared. “With the stroke of his pen, Prime Minister Marape has cost Papua New Guineans more than K2.2 billion in just one day. This is a cruel blow to workers, retirees, and landowners.”
The government announced earlier this week that all public accounts would be transferred to NBC, which was licensed as a commercial bank only eight months ago. The decision shocked investors and triggered a sharp fall in BSP’s share price.
O’Neill said the fallout was immediate and brutal. “86 percent of BSP shares are owned by Papua New Guineans. Yesterday, that value was wiped out as markets reacted with alarm to the government’s interference. This is not just bad policy—it is a national disaster,” he said.
The former Prime Minister singled out the Mineral Resources Development Company (MRDC), which only two months ago bought a 70 percent stake in BSP shares previously held by MVIL. The acquisition brought MRDC’s holding to 15 percent, making it the second largest shareholder in BSP.
“The Prime Minister himself, as sole trustee shareholder of MRDC, oversaw this deal in July,” O’Neill said. “At the time, MRDC proudly declared BSP was the best performing blue-chip company in the Pacific. Now those very landowner companies—Gobe, Moran, Kutubu, Hides, Angore, LNG Pipeline, and others—are left horrified as their hard-earned investments are gutted in less than two months.”
O’Neill accused the government of betraying landowners and engaging in what he suggested could be insider trading. “They knew when they sold those shares that their value was about to be destroyed. This is a massive breach of trust.”
He also warned that the repercussions extended beyond PNG. “Workers and retirees across the Pacific—in Solomon Islands and Fiji—have seen their superannuation funds crumble because they invested in BSP. This Marape decision has sent a financial tsunami across the region.”
The former Prime Minister raised a series of pointed questions:
Who owns and controls NBC, and is it still fully a subsidiary of the National Development Bank?
How did NBC obtain its license in record time? Were proper capital requirements met?
Why override the advice of MRDC, which just weeks ago expanded its BSP holdings?
Is the government trying to gain direct control of public funds ahead of the 2027 election?
“This is not financial management—it is economic vandalism,” O’Neill said. “It undermines investor confidence, accelerates our slide toward grey-listing, and destroys the cornerstone of investment in Papua New Guinea.”
He also linked the decision to PNG’s broader economic woes, citing sliding kina, rising debt, and increasing dependence on the IMF. “The timing could not be worse. Jobs are evaporating, our reputation is sinking, and now this government is dismantling the very institution that underpins regional financial stability.”
O’Neill ended his statement with a stinging rebuke: “This government must be held accountable. Perhaps the only silver lining is that the new Waigani National Court Complex is big enough to process those responsible for this scandal. Our people deserve justice.”
He called on Prime Minister James Marape to resign. “Enough is enough. Every decision he makes hurts Papua New Guineans. He should hang his head in shame.”
The government has yet to issue a detailed response to O’Neill’s accusations, but the financial sector is bracing for further volatility as the markets digest the implications of the sudden banking shift.
The Supreme Court has expressed frustration over repeated delays in convicted lawyer Paul Paraka’s bail application.
Convicted lawyer Paul Paraka who is serving a 20-year jail time for misappropriating over K160 million.
Justice Peter Toliken, speaking for a three-man bench, told Paraka: “We are not happy about how this matter is dragging on… this is the third adjournment before us.”
The case was set for hearing yesterday but adjourned again after the court and prosecutors confirmed they did not have Paraka’s latest affidavits.
Paraka, representing himself with help from his daughter, apologised and partly blamed the Registry, saying he had filed the documents last Friday. The matter has been rescheduled to September 9.
Paraka is seeking bail on medical grounds while appealing his 20-year sentence for misappropriating K162 million in public funds. His previous appeal against conviction was dismissed last October.
His co-accused, former Finance deputy secretary Jacob Yafai, was recently convicted over unlawful payments of K41.8 million to Paraka, while other related cases remain pending.
From “We Don’t Feed Natives” to “We Are One Nation”: Crocombe’s Truth, Somare’s Defiance, Marape’s Grace, and Bougainville’s Question
By Cyril Gare – Freelance journalist, editorialist
Flags are flying high. Kundu drums are beating loud. Live bands are playing, dancers are strutting their stuff in traditional attire, and important guests are arriving with big smiles and long speeches. Since June, Papua New Guinea has been celebrating her 50 years of independence in style—set to culminate on 16 September. But behind all the noise and colour, this moment is more than just a party. It’s a time to think. To look back at our colonial past, to thank the brave leaders who stood up for us, and to ask ourselves—what kind of country have we become?
PNG Flag raised high as part of the nation’s independence celebrations.
We’ve come 50 years as a nation—but have we grown up? Our Constitution speaks of justice, equality, and respect, but too often those words stay trapped in dusty books and forgotten speeches. Leaders promise change, yet the same old problems keep showing up with new names. Roads are still broken. Violence is everywhere. Respect for women and girls is fading. Betelnut spittle paints our streets. Schools still struggle, and public offices still move at the speed of coffee breaks. So as we wave our flags and beat our drums, let’s also ask: are we building a nation that truly serves its people—or just decorating the cracks?
But it’s not all doom and gloom. We still have the power to shape our future—if we’re brave enough to speak up, smart enough to plan, and honest enough to act. The next 50 years won’t be written by ceremonies or speeches, but by everyday choices: how we treat each other, how we protect our land, and how we hold leaders to account. So let the drums beat, yes—but let them also remind us that real change doesn’t come from noise. It comes from action.
As the final notes ring out on 16 September and the flags begin to rest, may we remember that independence is not just a date—it’s a duty. A duty to honour the past, fix the present, and build a future worthy of the next generation. The party will end, but the work must go on.
It is a time of reflection for the most. A time to revisit the uncomfortable truths of our colonial past, to honour the courage of our founding leaders, and to assess the character of our nation today.
The late Professor Ron Crocombe, in his 2009 article Australia’s Own History of Apartheid in PNG, did not mince words. He laid bare the systemic racism that underpinned Australia’s colonial administration. Crocombe recounted a 1964 Qantas flight where a Papua New Guinean passenger was denied a meal. When he protested, the hostess replied:
“We don’t feed natives.”
“It’s company policy,” she added. “We are not allowed to feed natives.”
This was not an isolated incident. It was emblematic of a broader policy of exclusion. Elected leaders like John Guise had to fill out forms titled Application for Permission to Remove a Native just to travel abroad. High schools were withheld until 1955. Everything was designed to suppress national consciousness. Crocombe’s account is not just a historical indictment—it is a mirror held up to a painful past.
But Papua New Guinea did not remain passive in the face of this indignity. Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare, the man from Karau, Murik Lakes in East Sepik, saw through the colonial façade. He did not wait for permission to dream. He demanded independence—not later, but now.
Somare’s bitterness toward Australian racism was not confined to PNG. He saw it mirrored in apartheid South Africa, in the segregation of Aboriginal Australians, and in the global resistance movements of the 1960s.
“Australia treated us like second-class citizens in our own land,” Somare declared in a 1973 speech to the House of Assembly. “They said we were not ready. But we are not inferior. We are not children. We are a people with dignity, and we must govern ourselves.”
He knew that waiting for Australia to declare PNG “ready” was a trap. The racism he witnessed—both at home and abroad—taught him that independence was not a gift to be granted. It was a right to be claimed.
Somare’s leadership was catalytic. He mobilized a coalition of visionary leaders, transferred powers from Canberra to Konedobu, and spearheaded the drafting of PNG’s Constitution through the Constitutional Planning Committee. He refused to let racism define PNG’s destiny.
And so, on September 16, 1975, the Bird of Paradise took flight—not as a token of colonial charity, but as a symbol of defiance, dignity, and destiny.
Fast forward to February 8, 2024. Prime Minister James Marape stood in the Australian Parliament and did something unexpected. He thanked Australia—not for its racism, but for its legacy of democracy.
“The amount of work Australia put into the administration of Papua New Guinea can never be ignored,” Marape said. “History holds all the details, but the greatest, most profound impact of Australian rule is the Democracy you left with us.”
He honoured missionaries, teachers, and public servants. He invoked Chief Kondomo Agaundo’s prophecy:
“You may laugh at me now, but one day, my sons will come and speak to you in your language, and you will listen.”
A rare image showing Kondom Agaundo alongside Australian actor Chips Rafferty, symbolizing cross-cultural engagement during colonial transition. The photo was taken during Mt Hagen Show in 1965. Photo Credit: Michael Coutts collection.
That prophecy was fulfilled in Marape’s own voice.
He charted history too for being the first Pacific leader ever to address the Australian Parliament.
And now, in 2025, as we stand on the threshold of our 50th Independence Anniversary, we are reminded of how far we’ve come—and how far we must still go.
We’ve faced pandemics, corruption, environmental threats, and bureaucratic inertia. Yet, we rise.
“Despite all odds, we are still standing—stronger, wiser, and more united than ever,” Marape declared in his Jubilee message. “This 50th Independence Anniversary is not just a mark of age, but a testimony of God’s sustaining grace and our people’s perseverance.”
Crocombe gave us the truth. Somare gave us the courage. Marape gave us the grace. And the 50th Anniversary gives us the moment.
Let us not sanitize history. Let us not romanticize colonialism. But let us also not be consumed by bitterness. Instead, let us reflect, reconcile, and rededicate ourselves to building a nation worthy of its pain and promise.
Because we are not just the children of colonialism—we are the architects of our own destiny.
And to those who said we wouldn’t make it past 1975, we say:
Look again. The Kumul flies. The nation stands. And the future beckons.
Chimbu leader Kondom Agaundo in traditional attire in 1965. Photo Credit: Lewis Cotlow
Bougainville’s Question: The Final Test of Our Integrity
But as we celebrate our own freedom, a question looms—one that tests our moral compass and national integrity.
In 2019, the people of Bougainville voted overwhelmingly—97.7%—for independence from Papua New Guinea. It was not a protest. It was a peaceful, United Nations-sanctioned democratic expression of self-determination, born from decades of conflict, sacrifice, and hope—about 20,000 lives perished. The Bougainville Peace Agreement promised that this vote would be respected, pending ratification by PNG’s Parliament.
By 1 September 2027, we will know whether that promise was kept.
President Ishmael Toroama has made his position clear:
“Bougainville will not accept any other options but independence.”
“We must never compromise our resolve for an independent Bougainville and settle for anything less than what we voted for in the 2019 Referendum.”
“Compromise by the past leadership is the reason why Bougainville has remained tethered to Papua New Guinea for the last 70 years.”
He has warned that if the moderation process fails, Bougainville will explore “all other precedents and legal options available,” including the adoption of an Independence Constitution and a unilateral declaration of independence on 1 September 2027.
Prime Minister James Marape, while acknowledging the referendum result, has urged caution:
“I’m ready to take the result into the floor of Parliament. But what is it? Are you willing to accept the result of the floor of Parliament—just like I accepted the result of the 97.7% vote?”
Marape has emphasized the need for a “road map that leads to a lasting peace settlement,” not just a political divorce.
So we must ask:
Are we now the colonizer?
Would we be “racist” too, if we denied Bougainville the very right we demanded from Australia in 1975?
Would God hold us accountable for suppressing a people’s yearning to be free?
Because independence is not a gift to be granted—it is a right to be claimed earnestly under natural law.
We, who once stood barefoot before Canberra and said “we are ready,” must now look Bougainville in the eye and ask:
Are they not ready too?
Let our 50th Independence Anniversary be not just a celebration of our own sovereignty, but a recommitment to the principles that birthed it. Let it be a moment of truth, of courage, and of justice.
Because if the Kumul truly flies, it must never cage another bird longing to soar.__
In the dawn of Papua New Guinea’s independence, the world saw a flag rise, a constitution breathe, and a people awaken to the rhythms of nationhood. But behind the official ceremonies and political declarations stood a quieter figure—a woman of strength unspoken, of grace unwavering. Lady Veronica Somare, the inaugural First Lady of Papua New Guinea, embodied the soul of a nation not yet fully formed. She became, in every dignified gesture, the matriarch of silent grandeur.
Late Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare and Lady Veronica Somare.
She did not seek the spotlight, nor did she claim the authority that came with proximity to power. And yet, her influence was unmistakable. In the formative years of independence, when Sir Michael Somare—the Grand Chief—wore the weight of a fledgling democracy, it was Lady Veronica who anchored the storm. Her commitment to family, cultural values, and community created a stabilizing warmth that radiated far beyond the walls of their home. It was through her quiet dedication that many Papua New Guineans found comfort, hope, and a template for civic compassion.
To remember Lady Veronica is to recall the essence of womanhood as heritage-keeper, as moral compass, as silent builder. She bore the demands of public life with humility, raising children while nurturing the spiritual and emotional dimensions of leadership. Her presence, often understated, spoke of a power deeper than protocol: the power to embody grace in uncertainty, dignity in upheaval, and resilience in transition.
She was not merely the wife of a leader—she was the mother of a movement. Her cultural fluency, her unspoken counsel, and her instinctive ability to read the emotional pulse of her people made her irreplaceable. In communities across the four regions, and Sepik heartlands, Lady Veronica was regarded not only as a First Lady, but as a guardian of decency and tradition.
Even as she stood apart from the mechanics of government, she became central to the moral architecture of leadership. Her legacy lives on in the children she raised, in the communities she touched, and in every tribute paid by those who see in her a quiet heroism. In the end, her greatest act was not in speech, but in presence—in showing that true grandeur is not worn, but lived.
Born in 1946 into the respected Mindamot clan of East Sepik, Veronica Kaiap was shaped by kinship, village life, and ancestral grace. When she married Michael Somare in 1965, it wasn’t just the union of two individuals—it was the quiet beginning of a sovereign journey. And while history would call him the Father of the Nation, she would become something far deeper: the woman who carried that nation inside her spirit, day after day, act after act.
From feeding revolutionaries to hosting dignitaries, from planting gardens to offering sanctuary, Lady Veronica stood as the anchor between personal sacrifice and public service. Her motherhood was more than biological—it was constitutional. She gave herself not to fame, but to becoming. Becoming a shelter, becoming a symbol, becoming a soul of a people.
Her children—Betha, Sana, Arthur, Michael Jr., and Dulciana—were taught that their father belonged not just to them but to the country. And so did she. She bore the burden without complaint, cultivating hope in her garden and wisdom in her silence.
She became a living metaphor—a quiet orchid. The ‘Dendrobium Veronica Somare’ was named to honour her, not simply for her love of orchids, but because her presence was like them: resilient, radiant, and rooted.
So this Independence year, as Papua New Guinea turns 50, let her name ring not just as wife or mother, but as Mother of Becoming. A woman whose silent strength cradled a nation. A woman who bore a legacy not in speeches, but in sacrifice. A woman who never asked to be remembered—yet must never be forgotten. She is the matriarch of silent grandeur.________
ABOUT Writer Cyril Gare is a veteran Papua New Guinean journalist and media advisor whose career spans over 32 years across journalism, government, development, banking, academia, and public relations. His work bridges editorial excellence with nation-building purpose, crafting narratives that capture both political gravity and silent cultural strength. His approach is marked by emotional resonance, deep cultural awareness, and an unwavering commitment to amplifying underrepresented voices. Whether mentoring through academia, collaborating on editorial campaigns, or honoring PNG’s silent changemakers, Cyril’s storytelling weaves resilience, dignity, and clarity into Papua New Guinea’s evolving national story
One of Papua New Guinea’s pride, a Desh-8 aircraft which is proudly acclaimed as the nation’s flag carrier among other Air Niugini fleets was abruptly burnt down to ash by disgruntled tribemen in Mendi, the capital of Southern Highlands province.
The aircraft was doing it’s normal routine to Mendi airstrip when it was ambushed by aggrieved tribesmen who were disappointed over a court decision on an election petition case for the Southern Highlands provincial seat.
According to reports from witnesses on the ground, the aircraft landed at the Mendi airstrip around midday and was due for takeoff back to Port Moresby when the aggrieved tribesmen stormed into the tarmac and blocked off the plane with a vehicle and set alight the plane.
The Captain and the co-pilot along with the flight attendants were brought to safety with no injury sustained.
However, they are recovering from the ordeal as it was the first of it’s kind in the country’s history. The images of the buring of the plane has gone viral on social media and reached other international news organisations.
There are also reports that the province’s newly built court complex and the private residence of the incumbent Governor William Powi was also burnt down by the disgruntled tribesmen.
Meanwhile, the country’s national airliner Air Niugini through it’s subsidery Link-PNG released a statement this afternoon announcing it’s cease of services to Mendi and the nearby Hela and Enga provinces for an indefinite period.
The government is expected to make a statement soon on whether to declare a State of Emergency in the Southern Highlands province.
Many citizens have expressed dispointment over the incident through various social media platforms.
The aircraft was doing it’s normal routine to Mendi airstrip when it was ambushed by aggrieved tribesmen who were disappointed over a court decision on an election petition case for the Southern Highlands provincial seat.
There are also reports that the province’s newly built court complex and the private residence of the incumbent Governor William Powi was also burnt down by the disgruntled tribesmen.